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Absolute power totally corrupted Mugabe
Why did it take so long for Nelson Mandela to publicly disown Robert Mugabe?
The world has known for the last decade that the Zimbabwe despot’s regime was one of the most destructive Africa has ever known.
Appeals have been made by American presidents, European premiers and Zimbabwe’s opposition politicians and churchmen but the world leader who has arguably as much power as the Pope to influence policies across the globe did not use his moral authority to condemn Mugabe’s corrupt abuse of power against ordinary Zimbabweans until last week.
Perhaps he has been trying to influence Mugabe behind the scenes, without seeming to upstage his successor, Thabo
Mbeki.
Forgiveness
It doesn’t detract from his greatness or diminish our admiration for the forgiveness he shows those who sinned against him to acknowledge that he’s a party loyalist. No-one has ever thought he supported Mugabe’s methods but even though Thabo Mbeki was not his choice of successor he has been careful not to undermine confidence in him.
The only major issue he has pursued, not supported by the South African president, has been his campaign against Aids/HIV. Mandela lost a son to Aids and his campaign in favour of education to prevent the spread of the virus, and the proper medical treatment for sufferers, has been pursued vigorously because he believes his stance has more support in the party. If only Robert Mugabe had the same self-discipline and judgement.
Almost 30 years ago the expectations of Robert Mugabe when he walked out of his stronghold in what was then the Rhodesian bush were sky-high.
I remember being awe-struck at his managing to earn three degrees during his decade of imprisonment in Salisbury. And who could have failed to admire his vision in seeking to improve, gradually, the distribution of power and wealth between black and white Rhodesians?
Deals
He struck deals with the white farmers who had made the country economically strong, while trying to distribute agricultural land to black Zimbabweans. The two proved impossible to reconcile but, in his choice of government ministers, he gave the impression of being a good and wise politician and national leader.
My husband Jim, a former MP and Scottish Trades Union Congress official, was consulted by some of them in Zimbabwe shortly after independence had been achieved. He was impressed Mugabe had appointed the same finance minister as Ian Smith.
When he met the white Rhodesian, whose family came from Argyll and who made the unilateral declaration of Rhodesian independence, Jim found him to be optimistic that Mugabe would avoid the divisiveness and mayhem that had followed independence in other African states.
Smith told of how, at a meeting with other black African leaders, Mugabe was advised to retain the white community’s experience, particularly in agriculture, and gradually create one nation based on peace and prosperity.
In his appointment of another white man, Denis Norman, as agriculture minister Mugabe appeared to have learned from earlier mistakes in Africa. The Commercial Farmers Union members were known to toast “Good Old Bob”, The World Bank commented favourably on his policies that resulted in reduced rates of infant mortality and child malnutrition, and higher immunisation and life expectancy figures.
Hush-up
Some people were uneasy when stories began to seep out from Matabeleland about the massacre of Zanu supporters, tribesmen of Mugabe’s opponent Joshua Nkomo. With hindsight, it was misguided to hush-up the violence and murder because of the apparent success of his other policies.
Gradually, he has assumed absolute power and it has corrupted him completely. It is the tragedy of Zimbabweans that he has created a corrupt elite to protect him that will outlive him unless the UN can find a way to prevent it.
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